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fhe Great MeVJoman 

Quarter^ 




J/hmsbfyfio 



DDQlr^CQ 



SUMMER 1979 



/TL /The 
y 'Creatine 

OwOman A quarterly, Governors State University, Park Forest South, IL 60466. 



VOL.3, NO. 1, SUMMER 1979 



A quarterly published at Governors State University under the auspices of the Provost's Office 



1979, Governors State University and Helen Hughes 



STAFF 

Helen E. Hughes, Editor 

Lynn Thomas Strauss, Editorial Assistant {on leave) 

Glorle Kemper, Editorial Assistant 

Joan Lewis, Editorial Consultant 

Suzanne Oliver 

Marlena Chandler, Graphic Designers 

GUEST EDITOR 
Sara Shumer 



Table of Contents 



ADVISORY COUNCIL 



Donna Bandstra, Social Sciences 

Rev. Ellen Dohner, Religion 

Rita Durant, League ol American Penwomen 

Harriet Gross, Sociology/ Women's Studies 

Helene Guttman, Biological Sciences 

Mimi Kaplan, Library Resources 

Shirley Katz, Music/Literature 

Young Kim, Communications Science 

Harriet Marcus, Journalism 

Betye Saar, Fine Arts 

Marjorie Sharp, Human Relations Services 

Sara Shumer, Political Theory 

Emily Wasiolek, Literature 



page 

A Feminist Politics of Women in Politics 4 

Sara Mayhew Shumer, Guest Editor 

Part 1 : The Role of Women in Politics 

A Woman's Key to Political Liberation 6 

Peggy Irene Bray 

Recent Trends in the Electoral Participation of American Women 9 

David and Judith Everson 

Bread and Roses, Song 18 

Caroline Kohlsaat and James Oppenheim 

Take My Hand, song 20 

Shirley Katz 

Part 2: University Politics and Womens Politics in the University 

What is Feminist Research? Some Suggestive Remarks 21 

Lois Greenwood 

Women's Studies: Politics of Powerlessness at a University 24 

Emily Stoper 
Part 3: Sources 

Reviews 

So Much Has Been Written about Women 26 

Reprint, New Directions for Women 

Playing the Political Game : 27 

Paula Kassell 

From the Editor's Corner 3 

Helen E. Hughes 



A FEMINIST POLITICS OF WOMEN IN POLITICS 

by 
Sara May hew Shumer: Visiting Professor, 
University of California at Santa Cruz 
GUEST EDITOR 

The issue of women in politics is as 
complicated as 1s that of the entrance 
of any other disadvantaged and discrim- 
inated against group,, And there is no 
question but that women have been oppress- 
ed and discriminated against 1n the same 
ways as "minority" groups— deprived not 
only of "equal opportunity" but also of 
an understanding of self as a capable 
actor In the world with Its consequent 
self-confidence and self respect. There 
1s the obvious point that it is unjust 
to exclude any individual from an acti- 
vity solely because she or he is a member 
of a particular group and this should be 
overcome. But beyond this traditionally 
liberal gain do we have any right to ex- 
pect a radical change 1n the quality of 
our political life from the increased 
participation of women (or Blacks, Chlca- 
nos r Native Americans or the poor)? Can 
we expect a more humane politics from 
the heretofore excluded groups? Here the 
answers are more complicated and mixed. 

Individual women (or Blacks, etc.) can be 
and have been easily absorbed into poli- 
tics as now practiced. Women can and do 
move up through city or state party ma- 
chines (the Mayor of San Francisco or of 
Chicago) and even occupy cabinet posts; 
they can and do vote for the candidates 
selected by the organizations that now 
dominate our political life. Granted 
they participate in proportionately fewer 
numbers, but those who do have no radical 
impact, their actions are not qualita- 
tively different from those of men. If 
individuals move into positions of signi- 
ficant power, then 1t 1s because they al- 
ready conform and are, by definition, ac- 
ceptable. When women vote within the 
structures that define how power 1s cur- 
rently organized and distributed, they 
merely confirm and further legitimize 
those arrangements. Accordingly, we 
should expect only more of the same as 
more wo«en participate more fully with- 
in mainstream politics. Well, almost. 
There are bound to be some minor shifts 



1n Issues and concerns as more people 
with those Interests participate more. 
But, as we should have learned from the 
final success of the women's suffrage 
movement, even massive increases in part- 
icipation by members of a group acting as 
individuals within the system can have no 
radical effect. Indeed, the women's 
movement of the Nineteenth Century under- 
stood this and saw the suffrage as an Im- 
portant tool but only a minor goal. Women 
like Sarah Grlmke sought also abolition 
of slavery and a new society based on 
mutual respect among equals. 

So, this pessimistic judgment 1s not all 
there 1s to be said. For there is always 
a radically liberating potential when any 
oppressed group begins to recognize Its 
oppression and to fight against it. The 
potential 1s there for a feminist politics 

The first stage is what came to be known 
1n the feminist movement as consciousness 
raising. Women found through sharing 
their experiences with each other that 
what they previously felt as personal in- 
adequacies and private hurts were system- 
ically Induced and were failures of our 
basic Institutions. They came to recog- 
nize as crippling, patterns of behavior, 
previously unseen or thought to be benign 
and 1n the Inevitable nature of things. 
This 1n Itself created the power to be- 
gin to change the ways of acting that re- 
inforced for each other both negative 
self-perceptions and external limitations 
on action. 

The next step was to find ways to demand 
changes to reflect, spread and consoli- 
date the new understandings. An Import- 
ant on-going part of this project 1s the 
various attempts to reclaim a recognition 
of the historical importance of women in 
our past and their real and potential Im- 
portance today. Another part is the var- 
ious ways of mobilizing women to bring 
about concrete changes 1n social and po- 
litical arrangements. In both aspects* 
women acting collectively as a group have 
moved to make demands on the system, not 
to join 1t as Individuals. 

Thus women, like other oppressed groups, 
can awaken us all to previously unseen 
oppression, to the subtle and not so 




subtle ways we oppress each other. 
Potentially more Important, women learned 
something about the politics of the 
"powerless" and by contrast something 
about the politics of the system. 
Through their cooperative efforts they 
learned that the power to act need not 
mean power over others to force them to 
do or yield what they otherwise would 
not. My gain, my freedom of action, 
need not mean your loss or Impotence. 
Rather than the competition of Interests 
with the strongest "winning", political 
power can be and 1n some sense always Is 
the collective power to shape the kind 
of community we want. 

This, In turn, is a two-fold project. 
Perhaps the oldest and most enduring 
self conscious struggle 1n politics 1s 
to replace the might of the strong with 
common standards and values for judging 
our 1nter-relat1onsh1ps. To some extent 
each newly active oppressed group seeks 
out new ways of describing their condi- 
tion 1n terms of Injustice; since each 
1s by definition weak or powerless, this 
1s almost a political necessity for them. 
Often, however, after gaining a certain 
level of political strength some groups, 
or rather the most successful segments of 
such groups, forgets and chooses to take 
their chances in the competition of In- 
terests. Yet it is Important to remember 
our capacity for rediscovering old and 
evolving new common and shared standards 
of justice through the processes of 
speech. Moreover, women have had a part- 
icularly powerful and inclusive experi- 
ence of the possibilities and necessity 
for working out such common standards for 
just and humane relations between the 
sexes. It 1s hard to see how a feminist 



politics could easily be converted into 
the competitive interest politics game. 
The second dimension to this project has 
to do with how we understand our freedom 
to act and our relationship to others. 
Once again women would seem to be 1n an 
advantageous position to hold firm to the 
lessons of "powerlessness". Within male 
and mainstream politics freedom is asso- 
ciated with autonomy, with doing as one 
wills. The problems arise when two such 
wills meet. In the public world this 
means certain limits of not trespassing 
on others; it further means competition 
and bargaining. In the private world of 
the home 1t has meant that one ego (the 
voman's) yields to the other (the man's), 
supporting it, nurturing it, following 
1t. Women have rejected both models as 
not only sacrificing the humanity of one 
person In favor of another but as funda- 
mentally denying the humanity of both. 
They have asserted, perhaps most clearly 
1n reference to the private world, that 
the freedom to grow and act of one must 
not be bought at the price of the free- 
dom of the other, whether wholly as in 
traditional marriages or piecemeal as 1n 
competitive bargaining. Freedom among 
adults must be based on their mutual 
respect for each other. Only then can 
two or more people live within the same 
sphere of action (whether the smaller 
private one or the larger public one) 
and 1t remain one in which all are equal- 
ly free. Once again the medium for this 
mutuality 1s speech founded in our capa- 
city to reveal ourselves and to listen 
to others. Here the two dimensions of 
this project join. For 1t is our capa- 
city to form common standards of justice 
that permits us to resolve conflicting 
demands and synthesize them into shared 
lines of action and shared norms of judg- 
ment. 

This aspect of feminist politics could 
be truly revolutionary, creating a radi- 
cal alternative to contemporary politics. 
The current task then is to find ways of 
infusing our politics with our capacity 
to live together, not in an uneasy truce 
of separateness, with our capacity for 
justice and dialogue, not bargaining, 
with our capacity for Inclusiveness and 
collective action, not competition nor 
domination. 



Part 1: The Role of Wo 



■ .:«:l:»S~»(»:: 



A WOMAN'S KEY TO POLITICAL LIBERATION 

by 
Peggy Irene Bray 
Promotions Assistant at Women's History 
Research Center, 2325 Oak St., Berkeley, 
California 

^^^With great certainty Virginia Woolf 
asserted that the most significant step 
towards political emancipation for 
"daughters of educated men" is economic 
self-reliance. Only in this way can 
women exert independent and powerful 
social energy: influence founded on 
an independent income. Virginia ex- 
pressed this opinoln in 1928 through her 
political essay, Three Guineas . 

Again in 1949 Simone de Beauvoir 
maintained the same Idea: "gainful em- 
ployment" represents the most pragmatic 
route to liberation for women, because 
In a society where propertied advantage 
defines social status, dependency spells 
degradation, the opposite of liberation. 
Therefore a woman who depends on a man 
for support usually exercises very 
little concrete Independence of mind 
and body. As Simone put it in The 
Second Sex: 

A woman supported by a man — wife 
or courtesan — -is not emancipated 
from the male because she has a 
ballot in her hand; if custom im- 
poses less constraint upon her 
than formerly, the negative free- 
dom implied has not profoundly 
modified her situation; she re- 
mains bound in her condition of 
vassalage. It is through gain- 
ful employment that woman has tra- 
versed most of the distance that 
separated her from the male; and 
nothing else can guarantee her 
liberty in practice! Once she 
ceases to be a parasite, the sys- 
tem based on her dependence crumb- 
les; between her and the universe 
there 1s no longer any need for a 
masculine mediator. 3 (emphasis 
added) 



To be sure, any woman who has explored 
the historic second-class status of wo- 
men in general must consciously or 
subconsciously search for an alternative 
1n her own life, a path leading to guar- 
anteed liberation in practice , not only 
1n theory. 

Since the end of World War II 
many American women have tested these 
Ideas of Virginia Woolf and Simone 
de Beauvoir by entering the labor force 
in ever Increasing numbers. In 1970, 
Fabian Linden of the National Indus- 
trial Conference Board Department of 
Consumer Economics noted the massive 
entry of women into the economy be- 
yond the hearth: "Since the end of 
World War II, the size of the female 
labor force has grown more than twice 
as fast as the nation's total em- 
ployed population."^ The following 
graph represents this general trend. 



st>~ 







This massive employment population shift 
became the concrete revolutionary im- 
pulse which flowered into our contem- 
porary Women's Movement, the most vi- 
able and multidimensional mass politi- 
cal expression of women in contempor- 
ary history. 

A more detailed examination of the 
post World War II U.S. economy and the 
statistics of women's economic partici- 
pation will help to clarify the corre- 
lation between woman's economic liber- 
ation and woman's political liberation. 



The Rise Of The "Service Economy" 

Shifts 1n the U.S. economic struc- 
ture have corresponded to and stimu- 
lated women's labor force entry. In 
particular, since the end of World 
War II, the U.S. developed the world's 
first service economy, I.e. an eco- 
nomy In which "more than half of the em- 
ployed population 1s not involved in 
the production of food, clothing, 
houses, automobiles, or other tangi- 
ble goods. "5 Of the three economic 
"sectors," production, agriculture, and 
service, definitely the service sector 
has taken the lead in contemporary 
America. U.S. News and World Report 
estimates that by 1980, 70 percent of 
all American workers will be engaged in 
the service sector. This represents an 
historical reversal of the situation 
at the turn of the century when 70 per- 
cent of the work force was employed in 
the production sector. 

Women play a crucial role in the 
unfolding service economy with Its arm- 
ies of clerks and service workers. Now 
as never before, the economy relies on 
women as an untapped, humble, vast pool 
of labor. Unfortunately, the job exper- 
iences of women have not all been posi- 
tive 1n that women often are channelled 
Into low-paid, low-status, dead-end 
jobs. Nevertheless, as the following 
statistics Indicate, economic indepen- 
dence spurred the political Indepen- 
dence culminating In our contemporary 
Woman's revolution. 

According to Professor Richard 
Abrams of U.C. Berkeley, between 1945 
and 1965 the biggest increase in wo- 
men workers came from the middle-aged 
middle class section of the population. 
This represents an historic reversal of 
the era when only young unmarried wo- 
men worked until they got married. The 
labor force participation of these ar- 
ticulate middle-aged women provided the 
material base for the Woman's Revolu- 
tion which started 1n the 60's. Betty 
Frledan 1n Feminine Mystique spoke for 
these middle-aged, middle class women, 
who were Increasingly dissatisfied with 
woman's sterile domestic role. By en- 
couraging women to search for meaning- 



ful careers beyond the hearth, Betty 
fired the first shots, which were even- 
tually heeded by younger women. An in- 
teresting statistical trend indicating 
this sequence of causality 1s that be- 
tween 1965 and 1975 the biggest in- 
crease In women workers was from young 
single women, the respondents to the 
original out-burst of revolting women. 
These are the new self-styled, increas- 
ingly liberated women. 

Tradition: The Chain Which Binds Us 

The traditional ideology placing 
woman in the center of home and family 
life forces woman to be "species bound" 
— -doomed to mere biological function; 
whereas man can transcend biology with 
a worldly Identity beyond the hearth and 
thus explore the meaning of the universe, 
Woman's bondage to the hearth definitely 
stunts her social creativity. Patri- 
archal society trained women to believe 
that having babies and maintaining a 
peaceful home and family suffices for 
a meaningful life project. Making a non- 
lumpy bed, giving birth, comforting a 
disgruntled husband — these tradition- 
ally represented woman's socially sanc- 
tioned life project; whereas, man's 
Hfe project became more permanently 
objectified 1n bridges, buildings, tech- 
nology, and Mona Lisas. So where are 
the great women artists, inventors, 
thinkers? Most of them spent their Hfe 
energy in the domestic realm, subdued 
by the domestic identity — "victims of 
protection" — lost in history. 

The Women's Revolution And The Service 
Economy 

Therefore the service economy, by 
releasing woman from the domestic bound- 
ary and drawing her permanently into 
capitalist production, has motivated the 
Woman's Movement and all its revolution- 
ary Implications with regards to the 
long standing "normal" order in western 
tradition. Woman's work beyond the do- 
mestic realm laid the material founda- 
tion for a revolt, setting free the 
creative mindpower of woman in search 
of a more objectively meaningful life 
project. 



In 1949 Slmone de Beauvoir, Big 
Sister of the current Women's Revolu- 
tion, recognized that "gainful employ- 
ment" represented a profound modifica- 
tion of woman's traditional situation: 
"Once she ceases to be a parasite, the 
system based on her dependence crumbles" 
The post war experience of American wo- 
men statistically implies Simone's asser- 
tion. The middle class women who in- 
creasingly entered the labor force 
after World War II were looking for a 
better identity than being "just a 
housewife." The demands of the ser- 
vice economy drew them in, and inspired 
by the heightened self-esteem in- 
creased financial independence yields, 
they recalled , questioned , and rebelled 
against their former purely domestic 
role, thus triggering the contemporary 
Woman's Revolution. 

The system based on their depen- 
dence began to crumble with their 
achievement of independence through 
gainful employment, just as Simone and 
Virginia had predicted. In 1964 Betty 
Friedan's Feminine Mystique helped set 
free an avalanche because the material 
base for that avalanche had been laid: 
Increasing numbers of women worked out- 
side the home. As the answer to wo- 
man's sterile "feminine mystique" 
domestic identity, Friedan continually 
refers to career orientation as being 
the most objective and pragmatic means 
to psycho-physical liberation„ 

Thus, materially comfortable middle- 
class, middle-aged women played an ex- 
tremely important role in triggering 
the contemporary female revolt, which 
snowballed into something much greater 
in terms of its radical social signif- 
icance. Friedan's call to women criti- 
cizing the feminine mystique caught fire 
in the atmosphere of the civil rights 
struggle for social justice and the anti- 
Vietnam rebellion against authority. 
Younger more militant women with civil 
rights and anti-war experience also be- 
gan to recall , question, and rebel! 
against their subordinant roles in the 
political movements, as well as in 
their personal lives. The younger wo- 
men incorporated revolutionary ideology 
and techniques into the Woman's Revolu- 



tion. 

These two basic groups, the older 
stable women and the younger revolu- 
tionaries, compose the core of the Wo- 
man's Movement and motivate its two 
strains: reformist and revolutionary. 
It certainly seems unlikely that women 
with such heightened political aware- 
ness will ever retreat to a narrow do- 
mestic identity. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

1. Abrams, Richard M.; lectures for 
History 168C: "Post World War II 
U. S. History"; University of Cal- 
ifornia, Berkeley; Spring, 1978. 

2. Braverman, Harry; Labor and Mono- 
poly Capital: TheTTegradation of 
Work in the Twentieth Century; 
monthly Review Press; New York and 
London; 1974/ 

3. de Beauvoir, Simone; The Second Sex ; 
Bantam Books; Toronto, New York and 
London; 1968. 

4. Edwards, Richard C, Michael Reich, 
and Thomas E. Weisskopf (editors); 
The Capitalist System ; Prentice- 
Hall, Inc. Englewood CI i f f s , New 
Jersey; 1978. 

5. Fuchs, Victor R.; The Service Eco- 
nomy ; National Bureau of Economic 
Research; Columbia University 
Press; New York and London; 1968. 

6. Lynn, Mary C. (editor); Women ' s 
Liberation in the Twentieth Century; 
Problems in American History Series, 
Loren Baritz, Series Editor; John 
Wiley & Sons, Inc.; Mew York, Lon- 
don, Sydney, Toronto; 1975. 

7. U.S. News & World Report; "How 
Growth of Services is Changing 
America;" U.S. News and World 
Report; November 9, 1970; pp~. 34- 
35. 

8. Woolf, Virginia; Three Guineas; A 
Harbinger Book; New York, Burlin- 
game, Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc.; 
1966. 

8 



RECENT TRENDS IN 

THE ELECTORAL PARTICIPATION OF 

AMERICAN WOMEN 

by 

David H. Everson 

Judith E. Everson 

Sangamon State University 

Introduction 

Just as body temperature Is a 
good general Index of health In a human 
being, so political participation 1s 
one sign of well-being In a democracy. 
If this comparison 1s accurate, then the 
American political system presently 
rates a mixed to negative evaluation. 
American women's political participa- 
tion 1s a significant part of this 
troubling picture. Here, as we will see, 
the identified trends are both encour- 
aging and discouraging. In this paper, 
we will examine these recent trends 1n 
the political participation of American 
women as voters, campaigners, office- 
holders. We will further examine var- 
ious explanations for the disparities 
existing between male and female po- 
litical participation levels. Final- 
ly, we will speculate on what the im- 
mediate future may hold 1f present 
trends continue. 

Voting 1n presidential elec- 
tions 1s often used as a key index of 
American political participation. In 
fact, voting 1s the single most fre- 
quent act of political participation 
undertaken by most Americans.^ Re- 
cently, however, presidential voting 
rates have fallen regularly and drama- 
tically (see Figure 1). From 1960 
through 1976, turnout in presidential 
elections has declined nine percent or 
at an average rate of 2.25 percent per 
election year. In this connection, 1t 
1s worth noting that substantially few- 
er than four of every ten Americans of 
voting age participated in the non-presi- 
dential election in 1974. z 

This steady decline 1n voting, 
which 1s not confined to presidential 
voting, 1s alarming because 1t raises 
the question of how low the percentages 
could go before undermining election re- 



sults. However, there are other Indica- 
tors of increased participation 1n cer- 
tain kinds of political activities and 
within certain groups 1n the population, 
In campaigns, for example, some data 
suggest Increases 1n small-scale politi- 
cal contributions and volunteer activi- 
ties. 3 The middle and \ate 1960's and 
the early 1970's were unusual for the 
number of ideological or issue-based 
candidacies which attracted intense 
support among Individuals and groups. 
In addition, group activity toward "pub- 
He Interest" goals seems to have 
grown. 38 Finally, 1n an area we cannot 
address 1n this paper, political act- 
ivity (In the form of protests) became 
more frequent. 

From the context of these general 
trends, we can confront the question of 
the political participation of American 
women. Sex-related differences In var- 
ious forms of political participation 
have long been a staple finding of 
empirical research. For example, In 
1965 Lester Milbrath concluded that 
"the finding that men are more likely 
to participate in politics than women 
1s one of the most thoroughly substan- 
tiated 1n social science. "4 A major 
purpose of this paper will be to estab- 
lish the degree to which that conclu- 
sion 1s still valid. 

Voting and Campaign Participation: 
Achieved Equality 

One finding which consistently 
supported the generalization that wo- 
men participated less 1n politics than 
men was the difference in voting rates. 
Although American women received the 
right to vote by constitutional amend- 
ment 1n 1920, their low rates of parti- 
cipation Initially resulted in a drop 
for the electorate as a whole. 4 A Be - 
cause political participation is learn- 
ed behavior, previous restrictions on 
the voting participation of women and 
other minorities have tended to de- 
press turnout by these groups substan- 
tially after the formal granting of 
full voting rights. In the decade of 
the 1950*s, "the vote participation 
rate among women . . . was consistent- 



ly ten percent below that of men, as an 
overall estimate." 5 By the late 1960's, 
however, these differences had been halv- 
ed, and by 1976, the difference shrank 
to one percent (see Table 1). Most of 
whatever disparity now remains seems 
best explained by generational and re- 
gional differences. Older and southern 
women still vote at rates below compar- 
able categories of men. 5A What was once 
a consistent and significant difference 
1n voting rates has practically dis- 
appeared. In a moment, we will dis- 
cuss the likely reasons for that change. 



TABLE 1 

Participation 1n 
Presidential Elections 
Sex: 1968-1976 



by 



Year 



Male 



1968 


70 


1972 


64 


1976 


60 


Decline* 


-10 



Female 
66 
62 
59 
-7 



Hi 
4 

2 

1 



Source: The U.S. Fact Book, p. 508, 
Table no. 814. 

While the importance of elim- 
inating the gap in voting participation 
should not be minimized, it should also 
be noted that acts of participation in 
electoral politics requiring a greater 
effort reflect the same trend. Con- 
sider the case of political campaign- 
ing. Between 1952 and 1972, the gap 
between men and women in terms of the 
average number of their campaign par- 
ticipation acts was narrowed significant- 
ly. By 1972, the rates for employed 
women actually exceeded the rates for 
men. 6 For other activities, such as 
communicating political preferences or 
engaging in community-directed, non- 
partisan activities, the findings are 
similar. 

What accounts for these re- 
cent changes which have equalized male 
and female rates of citizen participa- 



tion? One standard explanation draws 
upon socio-economic categories. In gen- 
eral, higher socio-economic status 1s 
associated with higher rates of polit- 
ical participation. The recent change 
1n women's political participation seems 
to be directly related to changes 1n 
their socio-economic characteristics, 
such as education, Income and employ- 
ment.^ The evidence concerning the Im- 
pact of such social categories can be 
summarized as follows. With certain 
exceptions noted later, these cate- 
gories tend to be related 1n similar 
ways to both female and male partici- 
pation. 9 Thus, the general expecta- 
tion 1s that men and women of the same 
status will participate at approxim- 
ately the same rates. Second, the sin- 
gle factor most responsible for increas- 
ed female political participation is 
the rising number of women working out- 
side the home : "These findings tend 
to contradict the popular notion that 
housewives participate more readily be- 
cause they have the time or leisure to 
do so. "TO As 1s often the case, the 
Impetus for social change in one arena— 
the political— seems to have come from 
change 1n another— the economic. 

Now for the qualifications. 
First, at the upper and lower levels 
of socio-economic status the findings 
must be elaborated. College educated 
women exceed the participation rates of 
comparable menjl Disadvantaged circum- 
stances also seem to depress female par- 
ticipation rates beyond what would be 
expected for men in similar situations. 
These differences suggest continuing 
attitudinal variations which could be 
related to life circumstances and/or 
political socialization. 

For example, "to be black 
and female in the United States 1s to 
be more politically as well as economic- 
ally disadvantaged than either identi- 
fication would predict singly."' 2 If we 
examine only voting participation, three 
other important findings emerge: 

(1) Overall, the voting rates 
of black women are in- 
creasing faster than those 



10 



of any other sex/race group 
1n the population. 

(2) The voting rates of black 
men and women have now been 
equalized. 



(3) The voting rates of young- 
er black women exceed thos 
of younger black men. A 



Despite these dramatic changes, it was 
estimated that black women held only 
.0007 of the elected positions 1n the 
U.S. 1n 1973, 12B while constituting 6% 
to 7% of the population. 

A second set of variables 
shown to be related to political par- 
ticipation 1s attitudes: a sense of po- 
litical effectiveness, a sense of citi- 
zen duty, and a degree of political in- 
terest.^ In general, women had (1n 
1972) lower overall scores on in- 
dices of political interest, informa- 
tion and efficacy. 14 As an example, 
more than 75 percent of women (as op- 
posed to two-thirds of the men) agreed 
that "politics 1s so complicated I 
can't really understand 1t."»4A Never- 
theless, women were the near-equals of 
men in participation. This explana- 
tion helps to account for the socio- 
logical deviations noted earlier: "Wo- 
men with high civic orientation scores 
participate more fully. than men with the 
same characteristics." Women with low 
civic orientation, correspondingly, par- 
ticipate less than comparable males. 

The overall point seems 
clear. The previous lower participa- 
tion rates of women were not the result 
of natural passivity nor of an immut- 
able socialization into a passive role. 
As the social position of many women 
has changed, differences 1n participa- 
tion have nearly disappeared. Only in 
the more disadvantaged groups in the 
population do male/ female differences 
1n participation persist. It may be 
speculated that the attitudes sup- 
porting these differences— lower in- 
terest 1n politics and stronger feel- 
ings of Ineffectiveness-would also be 
modified under changed social drcum- 



11 



stances. 

The major descriptive findings on 
electoral participation and their implica^ 
tlons, then, are these: (1) 1n the 
main, "participation equality" in vot- 
ing has been achieved, and (2) with 
certain changes (by no means easy ones) 
1n socio-economic circumstances of dis- 
advantaged women, the remaining dif- 
ferences would 1n all probability be 
eliminated. These conclusions draw 
attention to the lag which exists be- 
tween participation equality as 
citizens (which has been substantial ly 
achieved) and participation equality 
as decision-makers (which emphatically 
has not). There is an apparent contra- 
diction between the fact that sexual 
differences 1n citizen participation 
have dissolved, thereby disproving the 
notion of natural passivity in women, 
and the fact that few female citizens 
are political decision-makers. This 
contradiction exposes a basic and con- 
tinuing inequality in American democ- 
racy. We will now summarize the de- 
scriptive data which support this con- 
clusion. 

Office-Holding: Extreme Inequality 

Equality in citizen participation, 
which has only recently been achieved, 
has not been immediately followed by 
equality 1n office-holding. A telling 
comparison 1s that "Although women com- 
prise 53% of the U.S. voting population, 
they hold only about 8% of all public 
offices." 17 In total votes, women act- 
ually outpoll men. A while it would 
be unrealistic to suppose that full 
parity would be achieved in the mid- 
1960's to the late 1970's (when the gap 
in citizen participation was closed), 
1t is surprising that the office-hold- 
ing gap remains this large. Let's ex- 
amine the data by various levels of 
government and the changes which have 
taken place. 

National Government Offices 

In this paper, we will consider 
only elective offices. No woman has 
ever occupied the offices of president 
or vice-president. In the entire his- 



tory of the U.S. Congress, fewer than 
one percent of the total membership has 
been female.' 8 The recent percentages 
of female membership in the House and 
Senate are summarized in Table 2. 
While the numbers in both bodies have 
doubled from 1967 to 1978, this 1s mis- 
leading because the gains are a func- 
tion of the Initially low numbers of 
women. In comparison with the percen- 
tages of women 1n all public offices, 
the national legislature lags well be- 
hind. Moreover, the two female Sen- 
ators serving in 1978, Muriel Humphrey 
and Maryon Allen, serve in place of 
deceased husbands. This has been a 
traditional route for female repre- 
sentation in the national legisla- 
ture. Consequently, the Senate lags 
well behind the House in elected fe- 
male membership. And the apparent gains 
1n female representation may be up and 
down rather than steadily upward. 19 



TABLE 2 

Members of Congress by 
Sex: 1967-1977 
(% Female) 







Rep. 




Senators 


•67 




.02 




.01 


•69 




.02 




.01 


'71 




.03 




.01 


■73 




.03 




.00 


'75 




.04 




.00 


'77 




.04 




.00 


'78 




.04 




.02 


State 


Offi 


ces: State 


Le 9 


islators 



From 1971-2 to 1975-6, forty - 
three of the forty-nine state legis- 
lative lower houses experienced a net 
gain in female members. In total, 
the number of female state legisla- 
tors in lower houses increased by 125% 
1n those years. Thirty of the fifty 
state senates also increased female 
membership by 1022.20 These figures are 
encouraging in that they reveal an 
overall pattern of significant increase 
1n female representation 1n state legis- 
latures. This 1s Important beyond the 



state level, as holding state legisla- 
tive office is often a stepping stone 
to Congress. 21 Several state legisla- 
tures have female memberships which ex- 
ceed the Congressional figures by a 
factor of 4. The states most lacking 
in female representation tend to be 
found in the South (for example, in 
1975-6, Louisiana had just two female 
representatives and no female senators) 
and (to a lesser extent) in the Midwest. 
New Hampshire has the most female legis- 
lators (28%); strangely, California, 
which often leads in legislative pol- 
icy innovations, has few female legis- 
lators. 22 

As might be anticipated, the num- 
ber of women state senators is (as 
in the national case) far less than 
the number of women state representa- 
tives. Indeed, it is interesting that 
one state (New Hampshire) had more fe- 
male members in the lower house (102) 1n 
1975-6, than the entire nation had 
female state senators (97). 2 3 Re- 
cognizing that there is considerable 
variability among the states, it is 
worth noting that approximately nine 
percent of the members of state legis- 
latures are women (up from approximate- 
ly 4% ten years earlier). This figure 
is about double that for the U.S. House 
of Representatives. Significantly, few 
of these women have yet advanced to 
positions of leadership in state legis- 
lative assemblies. 2 ^ 

State Governors 

In 1978, there were two elected 
women governors, Ella Grasso of Con- 
necticut and Dixy Lee Ray of Washlng- 
gon. Mrs. Grasso was the first woman 
ever to be elected a state governor 
without having been preceded by her 
husband. As of 1975, 1t was estimated 
that women held only 45 elected state 
offices nation-wide. One was Lieuten- 
ant Governor Mary Ann Krupsak in New 
York." (Incidentally, Ms. Krupsak ran 
1n the Democratic primary against incum- 
bent Governor Hugh Carey 1n 1978 and 
lost, whereas Mrs. Grasso won her 1978 
primary.) By 1977< there were three 
female lieutenant governors. Z5A 



12 



Women at National Political Conventions 

The most visible success of women 
as political decision-makers 1s 1n the 
composition of delegations to the last 
two national party nominating conven- 
tions. The Impetus for these changes 
came from reforms in the delegate 
selection process following the tur- 
bulent 1968 Democratic convention. The 
Mc Govern- Fraser Commission mandated num- 
erous reforms 1n the delegate selec- 
tion process, Including the requirement 
of affirmative action to increase the 
representation of blacks, women, and 
youth. These guidelines were contro- 
versial, especially after the debacle 
of the 1972 Democratic presidential 
race, and were modified somewhat in 
1974. 2 ' But regardless of the contro- 
versy surrounding the Imposition of 
quotas, the immediate impact was to 
dramatically Increase the percentages 
of women at the 1972 Democratic nation- 
al convention. In 1972, " forty per- 
cent of the delegates were women— not 
alternates who vote if the delegates 
are absent, but bona fide voting dele- 
gates." 28 This was a threefold in- 
crease from the 13 percent of 1968. 
Similar, though less spectacular, in- 
creases otcurred in the Republican 
Party (from 17 to 30 percent). 29 These 
Impressive gains were largely maintain- 
ed in 1976. The Democratic and Repub- 
lican conventions had 34 percent and 
31 percent female representation, re- 
spectively. 30 

The Important lesson to be drawn 
from this experience 1s that dramatic 
change 1n the representation of women 
came under the spur of affirmative 
action guidelines. Such dramatic 
change was possible only because the 
party power structure was able and 
willing to compel it. 

The Local Level 



At the local level of government, 
the representation of women is slight. 
In county government, for example, 1975 
female representation was "slightly 
above two percent!" The percentage of 
city council members was 3%, Only two 
women were mayors of major cities (pop- 

13 



ulatlon over 250,000). However, it 
should be noted that by 1977, there 
were 95 female mayors of cities with 
more than 10,000 population„ 30A The 
only local decision-making arena where 
the percentage of women approaches (and 
1n some instances, exceeds) that in 
state legislatures is the school board- 
approximately 10% of its members nation- 
wide are women. 3 ! 

Summary; Women as Decision-Makers 

Again, the summary findings are 
clear. In elective offices, at all 
levels, women are severely underrep- 
resented. Moreover, although some 
trends toward improvement are discern- 
ible, the progress has been modest, and 
there is no assurance that all gains 
will continue. Because of the low per- 
centages of women in local political 
office, a natural progression from 
local to state to national levels is 
Impeded. Women candidates often must 
be recruited from volunteer activities 
to run for political office. The 
transition from community volunteer 
to candidate for elective office has 
its difficulties. One is that pre- 
vious experience in government is 
naturally limited. However, in an 
"anti-politics" era, such inexperience 
could prove to be an advantage at times. 

Only where an organization, the 
party, has been able to compel af- 
firmative action has the representa- 
tion of women approached equality. 
Even here, the gains of 1972 receded 
slightly In 1976. 

Women Running for Office: Congressional 
Nominations and Electoral Success" " 

One of our knowledge gaps about 
women in politics concerns how many wo- 
men actually run for office and what 
their success rate is vis-a-vis men. 
However, we do have data on congression- 
al nominations and electoral success 
which can serve as an indication of the 
historical patterns for that office. 32 

First, 1t 1s worth noting that of the 
more than 23,000 major party nominations 



from 1916-1974, only slightly over two 
percent went to women. In that per- 
iod, a total of 236 women were elected 
to Congress, less than two percent of 
the total number elected. 

How did women fare as opposed to 
men 1n elections? Of the 236 women 
nominated, nearly half (47.6%) were 
elected. This compares with a men's 
success rate of 54.4%. 

In summarizing these data, Lane 
Van Tassel, political scientist at 
Georgia State, wrote: 

"Congresswoman Martha Griffiths re- 
portedly once asked the legislative re- 
ference service of the Library of Con- 
gress to estimate how long it would 
take for women to gain parity with men 
in Congress. The answer was 432 years. 
Without knowing the precise basis for 
such a projection, it is certainly com- 
patible with the figures... Recent pop- 
ular impressions to the contrary, the 
number of women elected to the House 
1n general elections has increased by 
only three since 1954... In short, pro- 
spects for Increased female member- 
ship in the Congress are increasing— 
but not by y/&ry much nor at a very 
rapid pace. "33 

In 1976 fifty— two women (the 
highest total ever) received major party 
Congressional nominations.. Of these, 
18 (or 35%) were elected. This percen- 
tage was well below the 1916-1974 over- 
all success rate for women. However, 
this lower rate of success may reflect 
the fact that women tend to be nominat- 
ed in hopeless circumstances. 

Women Running for Office: City Council 
Nominations and Success 

A recent study of women's candida- 
cies for city councils in cities with 
over 25,000 population assesses "the 
rates of female candidacy and election" 
for these offices. Out of more than 
4,000 candidates, only 21% were women. 
900 female candidates was 45%, approxim- 
ately the same as the Congressional suc- 
cess rate of women. After these elec- 



tions, ten percent of the available coun- 
cil seats were held by women. 34 

When Women Run Against Men 

It 1s apparent that women's can- 
didacies are generally less successful 
than men's candidacies for Congress and 
city councils. Two explanations can be 
offered. The first 1s bias against fe- 
male candidates In the electorate. A 
second reason may be that women candi- 
dates have to overcome obstacles growing 
out of their general absence in public 
office-holding in the first place. For 
example, in Congressional races incum- 
bency has been a virtual guarantee of 
victory. 35 since there are few female 
incumbents, their success rate is dilut- 
ed. A recent study of Congressional can- 
didates 1n 1970 and 1974 concluded that 
"when candidate party and Incumbency ... 
are controlled, candidate sex has little 
or no effect on electoral outcomes." 36 
This evidence strongly suggests that it 
1s not the electorate per se which is 
keeping down the percentages of women 1n 
high elective office. Rather the "re- 
cruitment and nomination processes'^ f 
the political parties are at fault. 

CONCLUSION 

The accompanying Table (3) sum- 
marizes the descriptive findings of this 
review and emphasizes again the contrast 
between equality 1n voting participa- 
tion and Inequality 1n running for and 
holding office. This point seems worth 
reiterating. It 1s not the electorate 
which prevents more female representa- 
tion 1n the government. Rather, it 1s 
the failure of the parties to recruit 
and to nominate more female candidates. 
What can be done, even in a short per- 
iod of time, 1s Illustrated by the In- 
crease 1n female representation at na- 
tional political conventions for 1972- 
1976. 

Now that voting equality has been 
attained, the next objective is office- 
holding equality. The former took more 
than 50 years to achieve. The recent 
expansion 1n the number of women run- 
ning for and winning political office 
is encouraging. Nevertheless, the 



14 



gap still to be closed 1s substantial. 
The Increased awareness of women of the 
need for political activism—witness the 
ERA struggle, for example—should pro- 
pel more women out of the volunteer 
ranks Into the front lines of partici- 
pation. However, 1t will take a sus- 
tained effort to overcome the Inertia 
of a political system which remains pre- 
dominantly a male world. 

ADDENDUM 

Women 1n Illinois Politics 

In 1972, only 2% of the members of 
the Illinois General Assembly were wo- 
men. In 150 years, only 38 women total 
had been elected to the IGA. However, 
"1n the current legislature women hold 
20 seats, 17 in the House... and still 
three 1n the Senate...." This amounts 
to about 9% of the total— right at the 
national average. There is one woman 
member of Congress from Illinois (4% of 
the delegation). There are two women 
candidates for statewide office this 
year 1n Illinois. The statewide office 
most frequently captured by women has 
been election to the University of Illin- 
ois Board of Trustees. (Data in this 
paragraph taken from Ken Watson, "Sharp's 
Charges liven up Secretary of State 
race," Illinois State Journal Regis- 
ter, Sept. 21, 1978). 



NOTES 

1 Sidney Verba and Norman H. Nie, 
Participation in America: Political 
Democracy and Social Equality (New 
York: Harper & Row, 1972), p. 31. 

2 Bureau of the Census, The U.S. 
Fact Book (1978), p. 508. 

3 Richard Boyd, "Electoral Trends 
1n Postwar Politics", James D. Barber 
(ed.), Choosing the President (Engle- 
wood Cliffs, N.J.: Prent1ce-Hall , 1974), 
pp. 195-198. 

3Asee Norman H. Nie, Sidney Verba 
and John R. Petrodk, The Changing 
American Voter (Cambridge, Mass.: Har- 
vard University Press, 1976). 



3 B See Jeffrey M. Berry, Lobbying 
for the People (Princeton, N.J.: Prin- 
ceton University Press, 1977). 

4 Political Participation (Chicago: 
Rand McNally, 1965), p. 135. Emphasis 
removed. 

4Asee William H. Flanigan and Nancy 
H. Zlngale, Political Behavior of the 
American Electorate (BostoT: Allyn 
and Bacon, Inc., 1975), p. 15. 

5 Angus Campbell e£ al_. , The Ameri- 
can Voter (New York: John Wiley, 1960), 
p. 484. Also see John J. Stucker, 
"Women as Voters: Their Maturation as 
Political Persons in American Society," 
in Marianne Githens and Jewel L. Pres- 
tage (eds.), A Portrait of Marginal ity 
(New York: David McKey, 1977), p. 276, 
Table 15.4. 

5A Flan1gan and Zingale, op . cit ., 
p. 28, Table 1.2 and Gerald Pomper, 
Voter' s Choice (New York: Dodd, Mead, 
WS), pp. 70-73. 

6 Kristi Andersen, "Working Women 
and Political Participation, 1 952-1972," 
American Journal of Political Science 
19(1975): 442-443 (Figures 1 and 2). 

7 Maureen Fiedler, "The Participa- 
tion of Women in American Politics." 
Paper delivered at the 1975 Annual 
Meeting of the American Political 
Science Association, San Francisco, 
California, Sept. 2-5, 1975, p. 6 and 
Table 2. 

8 Verba and Nie, op.cit., p. 130 
and Figure 8-2. 

8Ajhe socio-economic role of women 
changed dramatically during the 1960's. 
See Marjorie Lansing, "The American Wo- 
man: Voter and Activist," 1n Jane S. 
Jaquette (ed„), Women in Politics (New 
York: Wiley, 1974), p. 6. 

9 Fiedler, op . cit ., p. 6. 

10 lb1d. , p. 8. 

11 Ibid., p. 7 and Table 4. Note 
that this statement is not true for 



15 



those with advanced degrees. Also, 
this general ization applies to a range 
of activities. In voting, women and 
men of high education vote at the same 
rates. Lansing, op . cit ., p. 9, Table 1. 
3. 

12 Ibid., p. 8. 

IZAjhese findings are explored by 
Marjorie Lansing, "The Voting Patterns 
of American Black Women," in Githens and 
Prestage (eds.), op . cit ., pp. 379-394. 

12Bp r estage, "Black Women State 
Legislators: A Profile," in Githens 
and Prestage (eds.), op „ cit ., p. 402. 
Also see Herri ngton J. Bryce and Alan E. 
Warrick, "Black Women in Elective Of- 
fice," Black Scholar (1974), 17-20/ 

^ 3 Verba and Nie, op . cit ., p. 133. 

14 Fiedler, op . cit ., p. 9. 

14Aj hn W. Soule and Wilma E. 
McGrath, "A Comparative Study of Male- 
Female Political Attitudes at Citizen 
and Elite Levels," in Githens and 
Prestage (eds.), op . cit ., p. 183, 
Table 10.3. 

15 Fiedler, op . cit ., p. 9. 

16 Soule and McGrath, op . cit ., 
p. 184, Table 10.4. 

17 "Women in Office," Parade , August 
27, 1978, p. 10. 

17A See Lansing, op.cit., p. 6, 
Table 1.1. 

T SParade, August 27, 1978, p. 10. 

19wilma R . Krauss, "Political Impli- 
cations of Gender Roles: A Review of 
the Literature," American Political 
Science Review 68(1974): 1711. 

20irene Diamond, Sex Roles 1n the 
State House (New Haven! Yale Univer- 
sity Press, 1977), pp. 179-180, Ap- 
pendix 2. 

2 * "For Members of Congress, the 
predominant previous public office ex- 



perience was that of state legislator... 
Malcolm E. Jewell and Samuel C. Patter- 
son, The Legislative Process in the 
United States (New York: Random House, 
1977, 3rd ed.), p. 78. 

22 
Diamond, op . cit . 

23 lbid . 

2 ^K1rsten Amundsen, A New Look at 
the Silenced Majority (Englewood Cliffs, 
N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1977), p. 73. 
Jeane Kirkpatrick notes that "once a 
•men only' sign marked the entire 
legislature out of bounds for women, 
today the line has been redrawn around 
the centers of legislative power." 
Politic al Wo man (New York: Basic Books, 
1974), p. 128. 

25 Amundsen, op . cit ., pp c 71-72 

25 ANew York Times, Sept. 10, 1977. 

26For one account, see Austin Ranney, 
Curing the Mischiefs of Faction: Party 
Reform in America (Berkeley: California 
University Press, 1975). 

27see Denis G. Sullivan, Jeffrey 
L. Pressman and F. Christopher Arter- 
ton, Explorations in Convention Deci- 
sion-Making (San Francisco: W. H. Free- 
man, 1976), pp. 33-34, p. 63. 

28soule and McGrath, op . cit ., p. 187. 

29Naomi Lynn and Cornelia Butler, 
"Societal Punishment and Aspects of 
Female Political Participation," in 
Githens and Prestage (eds.), op . cit ., 
p. 141. 

30\ane Van Tassill, "Women Viewed 
Within Three Western Party Systems: A 
Descriptive Analysis of a Political 
Minority Group," unpublished paper, 
n.d., p. 60, Table 7. 

30 ANew York Times , Sept. 10, 1977. 

31 Amundsen, op.cit., pp. 73-74. 

32 These data are all from Van Tass- 
el 1, op . cit ., pp. 56-7, Table 5. 

16 



33 lb1d . t pp. 30-31 

34Albert K„ Karnlg and Oliver Walter 
'Election of Women to City Councils," 
Soda! Science Quarterly (1976): p. 607, 
Table 1. 



^Congressional Quarterly Inc„, 
Electing Congress (Washington, D..C, 
1978), p. 2. 

36r. Darcy and Sarah Slavin Schramm, 
"When Women Run Against Men," Public 
Opinion Quarterly 41(1977): 5. 

37 lbid. , p. 10 

38lbid., p. 2. 

39Myra Marx Perree, "A Women For 
President?" Public Opinoln Quarterly 
(1974): p. 342, Table 1. 





BREAD AND ROSES 



Music by CAROLINE KOHLSAAT 
Words by JAMES OPPENHEIM 
X- 



Ropetully p Bb C7 Words by JAMES OPPENHEIM 

|H| J~J I J J J J | .1 J J>JH J J J Jl >l J 1 7 =35=1 



As we come march- ing, march* ing, in the beau « ty of the day, A 



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nil • lion dar - kened kit - chens, a thou - sand mill lofts gray* 



Are 



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touched with all the ra-diance that a sud - den sun dis- do • ses, For the 



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peo • pie hear us sing - ing, "Bread and ro - ses, Bread and ro - ses." 



m 

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31 



to 



1. As we come marching, marching in the beauty of the day, 
A million darkened kitchens, a thousand mill lofts gray. 

Are touched with all the radiance that a sudden sun discloses, 
For the people hear us singing: "Bread and roses! Bread and roses!* 

2. As we come marching, marching, we battle too for men, 
For they are women's children, and we mother tbem again. 
Our lives shall not be sweated from birth until life closes; 
Hearts starve as well as bodies; give us bread, but give us roses! 

3. As we come marching, marching, unnumbered women dead 
Go crying through our singing their ancient cry for bread. 
Small art and love and beauty their drudging epirits knew. 
Yes, it is bread we fight for — but we fight for rosea, too! 

4. As we come marching, marching, we bring the greater days. 
The rising of the women means the rising of the race. 

No more the drudge and idler- — ten that toil where one reposes. 
But a sharing of life's glories: Bread and roses! Bread and roses! 



Reprinted by permission from 
SONGS OF WORK AND FREEDOM, 
by Edith Fowke and Joe Glazer 
Roosevelt University, Chicago 



MOTHER 




Pioneer socialist Mary Harris "Mother" Jones 
(1830-1930) helped found the 1WW, organized mine- 
workers, supported the Mexican Revolution and was 
one of the great orators of her day. 



Mary ("Mother 1 *) Jones was the most re- 
markable woman produced by the American 
labor movement. She was born 1n 1830 
and lived for a full hundred years. She 
spent fifty of those years fighting 
fiercely on behalf of her "children": 
the coal miners and the rest of the 
working class. In her autobiography 
Mother Jones wrote: 

"The story of coal 1s always the 
same. It 1s a dark story. For a 
second's more sunlight, men must fight 
Hke tigers. For the privilege of see- 
ing the color of their children's eyes 
by the light of the sun, fathers must 
fight as beasts 1n the jungle. That 
life may have something of decency, 
something of beauty — a picture, a new 
dress, a bit of cheap lace fluttering 
1n the window — for this, men who work 
down 1n the mines must struggle and 
lose, struggle and win". 
( from Songs of Work and Freedom , by 
Edith Fowke and Joe Glazer, Roosevelt 
University, Chicago, I960.) 



19 



Take My Hand. My S 



Slowly 



1STER 

Words & Music by Shirley Katz 





^ 



' J-i- 1 i. ii. J?^) ^ * 



TAKE MY HAND, HY SISTER, TAKE MY HAND (take my hand) WE SHALL 
F C F C F C C 



PS 



MAKE A CHAIN A-CROSS THE LAND (a-cross the land) AND TO-GETHER 



p C C 7 F C 



i 



(and to-gether) WE WILL STAND (we will stand) AND TO-GETHER 
G7 C F C 



WE WILL STAND (we will stand) ! 



i 



SISTERS CRY IN SORROW, SISTERS HEAR 
NO DESPAIR AND PAIN, NO BITTER TEAR 
NO MORE HUNGER, NO MORE FEAR 
NO MORE HUNGER, NO MORE FEAR 

WE SHALL MAKE THE NATIONS HEED OUR CALL 
EVERY CHILD SHALL BE A CHILD OF ALL 
EVERY ONE STANDING TALL 
EVERY ONE STANDING TALL 

TAKE MY HAND, MY SISTER, TAKE MY HAND 
WE SHALL MAKE A CHAIN ACROSS THE LAND 
AND TOGETHER WE WILL STAND 
AND TOGETHER WE WILL STAND 

© Shirley Katz 1978 



20 



Part 2: University Politics 

and Womens Politics in the University 



WHAT IS FEMINIST RESEARCH?: 
SOME SUGGESTIVE REMARKS 

by 
Lois Greenwood 
Department of Political Science 
University of California-Berkeley 

Before we begin a discussion of 
"what Is feminist research", we must be 
clear about what we mean by feminism. I 
define feminism to be a concern with 
Inequality between the sexes and a com- 
mitment to validating the Insights and 
wisdom of a woman's experience In the 
world. Such a simple definition be- 
lles the multitude of Issues and levels 
of complexity such a concern entails. 
Feminism at once Is concerned with the 
specific Issue of sexual Inequality 
while at the same time having broad- 
ranging application to many fields of 
knowledge and contributing to new me- 
thods of Inquiry through its under- 
standing of a woman's experience. 

A general woman's experience 1n 
and of the world 1s markedly different 
from that of a man's and this experi- 
ence affects her attitudes, behavior, 
values and insights. A feminist ap- 
proach to knowledge would submit that 
this experience has something valu- 
able to offer the pool of knowledge and 
a feminist researcher would articulate 
that experience through description, 
analysis, expression, and quantifi- 
cation. This 1s by no means an easy 
task for a woman because she must first 
extract herself from her own experi- 
ence In order to gain a better perspec- 
tive and an overall view while at the 
same time, she must stay 1n touch with 
her own experience because 1t offers 
her Insight and understanding. She 
Must become a "participant-observer" 
of the world of women and develop skills 
that enable her to explain effectively 
and convincingly the nature of a wom- 
an's experience to women who have not 
been aware of the differences 1n their 
experience and to men who do not have 
the same experience. 

21 



One of the most important charac- 
teristics of a contemporary American 
woman's experience 1s that she primari- 
ly lives and works 1n the private do- 
main of the family. Even when she 
works outside of the family, she is 
strongly Influenced by her work and 
life In the home. This applies as well 
to women who never become homemakers 
and mothers and have always worked 1n 
the public domain because they have 
been affected by a woman's socializa- 
tion toward homemaklng and motherhood. 
And, they must confront a division of 
labor 1n the public sector which 1s 
defined in terms of Its similarities 
to and congruence with work In the 
home. 

This private domain of the home 
has a particular set of experiences, 
values, and methods of operating that 
are uniquely distinct from the public 
world of work. This very distinction 
between the two worlds 1s highly re- 
garded and highly guarded by our social 
values. Home 1s the refuge from the 
dog-eat-dog world of competitive 
"one-upmanship". And, woman 1s the 
gate-keeper of this refuge. Within 
this domain concerns for human welfare 
predominate and are mandated. Human 
growth, development, nurturance, heal- 
ing and service are primary. These 
areas of human need are contributed to 
1n the public world by woman's volun- 
teer work 1n these areas through ser- 
vice to community organizations, chari- 
table works, education, hospitals and 
nursing homes, and other such Insti- 
tutions which serve the economically 
marginal person. Society does not pay 
for these valuable human welfare ser- 
vices whether performed In the home or 
the public sector through volunteer 
labor but because these Important ser- 
vices are performed, society does not 
have to be formally accountable for 
them. These needs become disguised 
costs. We can say that one Important 
aspect of a woman's experience Is her 
concern for human welfare. And fern- 



1n1st research can bring that concern 
to the forefront of public discourse 
and off the back-burners of the home 
fires legitimizing 1t as a valuable 
Issue for the public domain. 

Secondly, woman's experience and 
recognition of the value of Interperson- 
al relationships and the Importance of 
human Interdependence which can be de- 
rived from her role 1n the home has a 
contribution to make. Interdependence 
1s an extremely Important fact of human 
existence which often 1s lost sight of 
when the world 1s broken Into manage- 
able pieces so that 1t may be more 
readily studied, defined and quantified. 
Such a method of Inquiry 1s of course 
y/ery Important and promotes a detailed 
knowledge of a subject but 1t becomes 
Imbalanced and distorted 1f 1t does not 
recognize the Interdependence and 1nter- 
relatedness of knowledge as well. 
Woman's experience articulated as femi- 
nist research 1n this way can offer a 
very valuable and complex method of In- 
quiry through a recognition of Inter- 
dependence of knowledge. This can In- 
volve the yery way Inquiry 1s carried 
out by valuing team effort and col- 
laborative or collective work and 1t 
can affect the way we go about study- 
ing a subject by discussing the re- 
latedness of various disciplines or 
Issues to a subject. Examples of such 
an approach may be found by looking 
over any listing of "women's studies" 
classes. Some examples drawn from 
workshops offered at a "women's stud- 
ies" conference given at Stanford 
University last spring are: "History 
and Creativity", "Ant1fem1n1sm and 
Violence", "Spr1tual1ty and Psychology", 
"Literature and Technology", "Work and 
Family". 

Moreover, woman's experience in 
the home culture recognizes the Impor- 
tance of feelings and experience as a 
way of knowing. This recognition can 
bring to the world of inquiry a sense 
of the importance of having a "gut" 
understanding of a subject one Is In- 
vestigating. When understanding of a 
subject 1s tied to a physical or emo- 
tional knowing, one 1s apt to be more 
realistic and grounded in the problem. 



There 1s less likelihood of having 
one's "head in the clouds" spinning out 
rarlfied Ideas that become thinner and 
thinner as they spin. It 1s a common 
problem when working only with logic 
and rational analyses to over-intel- 
lectual ize and weave a labyrinth of 
logically-related Ideas that 1n the long 
run may not make any sense because they 
are not tied to human experience or 
feelings. Once again, rational and 
logical Inquiry 1s absolutely essential 
but it must be balanced with a recogni- 
tion of the value of Intuitive know- 
ing. And once again a feminist ap- 
proach to research can validate this 
aspect of knowing. 

Finally, there 1s a saying which 
has been popular since the Inception 
of the contemporary women's movement 
which Is often misunderstood or con- 
fused but has a truth and wisdom to it 
that should not be easily dismissed. 
It 1s the statement that "the personal 
is political and the political 1s per- 
sonal". This statement 1s for one, 
claiming that the private world of the 
family and the Individual and the pub- 
lic world of work and politics are not 
separate but Indeed very interrelated 
and interdependent. What goes on in 
the public world of work and politics 
significantly affects the individual 
and the family and what goes on in the 
family and within the Individual affects 
the public world. Such an understand- 
ing offers a valuable contribution to 
the study of the Individual and society. 
On another level, this saying 1s talking 
about the fact that there 1s a power 
dynamic 1n interpersonal relation- 
ships (the personal Is political) 
while it is also asserting that there 
1s a human element to the tough com- 
petitive materialistic world of poli- 
tics. Most Importantly, the thrust of 
this remark is speaking to the sub- 
ordination of the personal, the pri- 
vate world, and Its caretaker, woman 
to the public world of money, politics, 
and rationality whose caretaker 1s man. 
This subordination of woman's experi- 
ence and of the values of the private 
domain 1s an inequitable and distorted 
vision of reality. It brings Imbalance 
and extremism to both domains in an 



22 



attempt to deny their Interdependence. 
And 1t severely limits the possibility 
for self-actualization and androgyny 
when women and men are designated to 
separate and unequal domains. This 
Issue of Inequality cannot be under- 
stated 1n terms of Its Importance to 
feminist Inquiry. It sensitizes a re- 
searcher to Issues of dominance, con« 
trol, authority, and their corol- 
laries of power lessness, passivity, and 
exploitation. And awareness of the re- 
ality and significance of these Issues 
will Inform feminist Inquiry and meth- 
ods of Investigation. 

I realize these statements are con- 
troversial but I hope that they will 
provoke debate and encourage more 
thought and attention toward understand- 
ing and legitimizing feminist research. 
I want to make a couple of qualifica- 
tions to the above remarks. I am not 
saying that men cannot carry out femi- 
nist research. Men will bring special 
advantages and disadvantages to the 
subject. Not unlike a white researcher 
1n a black community, they must at- 
tempt to understand a woman's exper- 
ience with Its full Integrity and Inner 
dynamics being careful not to overlay 
his observations with standard or ac- 
cepted perceptions. Done sensitively, 
a male researcher can contribute great- 
ly to the understanding of a woman's 
experience and at the same time experi- 
ence the rewards of a form of self- 
transcendence that any good research- 
ers gain whey they try to understand a 
subject for what It 1s rather than for 
what 1t may seem to be. 

Finally, there 1s a fear of bio- 
logical determinism which particularly 
concerns professional women who are 
breaking out of traditional women's 
roles and are refusing to be determin- 
ed by the fact that they can bear child- 
ren. This fear 1s justified and needs 
to be combatted as long as Ideas of 
biological determinism prevail. As a 
reaction to this position, profession- 
ally-oriented women may often reject 
whatever 1s thought to be stereo- 
typical ly female 1n an attempt to 
prove that they are as capable as men 
in the same way as men. As feminist 

23 



A MAN OF QUALITY 
IS NOT THREATENED 
BY A WOMAN OF 
EQUALITY 




\ 



awomarfe 
place is in the 

house and 

the senate i 




WOMAN'S PLACE 
IS ON TOP 
OF ANNAPURNA 

researchers we face the double-edge 
sword of asserting our equality and 
ability to be proficient 1n the same 
activities as men while at the same 
time validating the Insights and values 
that a woman's experience of the world 
has to offer. In the former challenge, 
we can tumble Into the pitfall of "out 
manning the man M In an attempt to be 
as professional as a man would be. 
But 1t Is also Important for us to 
validate the fact that other subjects. 
Issues and methods of Inquiry are as 
Interesting and Insightful as those 
that are standard. Once again, this 1s 
not to say that men could not Invoke 
these Issues or employ these methods 
because they can and do in some cases. 
But, this 1s to say that we, as fem- 
inist researchers, should bring these 
standards, concerns, and methods to the 
forefront of Intellectual discourse. 



WOMEN'S STUDIES: 

POLITICS OF POWERLESSNESS 

AT A UNIVERSITY 

by 
Emily Stoper 

When I took over the job of Coord- 
inator of the Women's Studies Program at 
California State University -Hayward, I 
grabbed a lot of powerlessness. The 
"powers that be" on campus (the Admin- 
istration) supported the Program only to 
the extent of permission to offer two 
courses (with the regular faculty), $100 
a year and access to the services of the 
already over-worked Interdisciplinary 
Studies secretary. I was given no as- 
signed time from my regular job as a po- 
litical science professor. 

Our clientele group was mostly po- 
tential --about 4000 women students (of 
a total student body of 8000) on a com- 
muter campus, most of them strug- 
gling to support themselves and their 
families while "getting through" col- 
lege. Their attitude toward Women's 
Studies wasn't hostile— it was, for the 
most part, stunningly indifferent. 
There was an advisory committee of women 
faculty, none of them willing to devote 
much time to the Program. 

Now, I had grabbed all that power- 
lessness for a reason. I was convinced 
that the Program had Important work to 
do--in changing the consciousness of wo- 
men students so they'd make better use 
of the rest of their education, in cor- 
recting male bias 1n the curriculum, 1n 
raising Important sex-role questions for 
male and female students and faculty. 
But how was I going to acquire the 
means, given a base of powerlessness, to 
do this Important work? 

At first, looking to my womanly 
heritage, I tried the old Gourmet Mac- 
aroni and Cheese Solution: accept your 
meager resources and do marvelous things 
with them by an outpouring of your own 
Ingenuity and energy. I soon found this 
both wearing and frustrating, so I look- 
ed to another heritage: that of power- 
less local minority groups. This one 
offered better counsel : look to the 
next higher level of government. Here 



an opportunity offered Itself 1n the 
form of a Pilot Project Grant for In- 
structional Innovation from the Chancel- 
lor of the State College and University 
system. I was aware of the chief peril 
of this kind of outside assistance. 
Once It was withdrawn, the Program would 
be as powerless as ever— only 1t would 
hurt more, since we'd have had a taste 
of something better. 

In a way, I was lucky— I knew that 
1f I got money I'd only have 1t for one 
year, so unlike many poverty groups, I 
wouldn't have time to grow dependent on 
1t. I had a chance for about $25,000, 
to be spent 1n one year, and I knew 1t 
would have to be spent In a way that 
would strengthen our base. 

After picking the brains of the 
advisory committee and everyone else I 
knew, I allocated most of the budget to 
a Faculty Development Course, to be of- 
fered to 12 faculty members from a var- 
iety of fields, each to receive 2 quar- 
ter units (generally half a course) of 
assigned time away from teaching. The 
course was team-taught by myself and 
Professor Joan Sleber of the Psychology 
Department, each of us getting 4 quarter 
units. The faculty who took the course 
Included seven men and five women, In 
fields ranging from Physical Education 
to German Literature to Management 
Science. Attitudes ranged over the spec- 
trum from feminism to traditionalism. 

The course took the form of 10 In- 
terdisciplinary symposia all focused 
around changing sex roles, on topics 
like M Mascul1n1ty/Fem1n1n1ty/ Androgyny", 
"New Directions 1n Parenting", and 
"Styles of Leadership". The symposia 
consisted of lecture/discussions led by 
the two Instructors and by the "stu- 
dents" 1n the course and participation 
exercises led by the other Instructor 
and three of the "students". 

The participation exercises Includ- 
ed filling out "scales" about our work 
and family orientation, leadership styles 
and basic personality self-images (mas- 
culine, feminine and androgynous), dis- 
cussing our reactions to taped musical 
selections and to charged words and 

24 



situations, writing our fears about 
the other sex on cards and then com- 
paring them to their fears about us, 
and so on. Each exercise was centered 
around sex differences. I thought they 
were Invaluable 1n getting us to examine 
our assumptions about our own sex roles 
and to bring to the surface a lot of 
attitudes that might otherwise have been 
covered over by the usual well-meaning 
liberal cliches. More than that, the 
participation exercises permitted some 
real personal self-revelation among mem- 
bers of a college faculty 1n a situation 
leading to greater trust— 1n my exper- 
ience, a truly rare event. 

The lecture/discussions also pro- 
vided the basis for a lively Intellec- 
tual exchange among the faculty 1n dif- 
ferent fields— which 1s almost as rare. 
Needless to say, we all loved the 
course— and 1n fact an eleventh session 
was held, by popular demand. 

So, 14 faculty members had a won- 
derful time— but how effective was the 
course In helping expand the base for 
Women's Studies? The faculty from 
the course are planning some six new 
courses focused on women— three of 
which are already scheduled. Each 
faculty member 1n the course made a con- 
tract to do some "homework" that would 
help her or him In teaching. Two pro- 
duced annotated bibliographies on 
women— one 1n sociology, one In politi- 
cal development. The others did exten- 
sive reading In preparation for either 
new courses or the Introduction of 
new material within existing courses 
designed to correct male bias. I think 
everyone came out of the course with a 
new sense of Women's Studies as some- 
thing worth devoting their best ener- 
gies to. 

With what was left of the money, I 
paid the printing and other costs for 
three Issues of a new Women's Studies 
student magazine, "In Her Image"; print- 
ed 1000 copies of a new brochure about the 
Women's Studies Program; and bought 
films, videotapes and slide shows for 
classroom use. These movts were all de- 
signed to work on the other side of 

25 



Women's Studies' problems --an unaroused 
student clientele. 

Obviously, I can't yet report the 
long-term results of my efforts — 1f any. 
I hope I've put Women's Studies on the 
personal agenda of enough faculty and 
students that it's now on the campus 
agenda, no longer a non-issue. Who 
knows, though? Certainly the program has 
as little "objective" power (money, 
authority) as ever. Yet the only kind 
of power that means anything for Women's 
Studies is an expanding commitment to 
share a certain set of Insights with 
other students and faculty and to pass 
on to them the same commitment to expan- 
sion. If the commitment exists, it 
should generate whatever money we need. 
Certainly, my experience with the 
Faculty Development Course has Intensi- 
fied my own commitment and my own sense 
of personal power. 



WOMEN 

PAY TAXES!! 

WOMEN 

OBEY THE LAWS! 

Women and Children suffer from 
dirty streets, impure milk, adulter- 
ated food, bad sanitary conditions, 
smoke laden air, underpaid labor. 

WOMEN GLEAN THE HOMES 

LET THEM HELP CLEAN THE CITY 



VOTE 



300 X YES- 



AMENDMENT NO. 1, NOV. 5. 1912 



It will give the women A SQUARE I?EAL. 

It will give your girl the same chance 

as your boy. 

VOTES for WOMEN 

00LLE0E EOOOL 8UFFM8E LEA0UE, 406 8ELLIM6 IL00. 



Part 3: Sources 



SO MUCH HAS BEEN WRITTEN ABOUT WOMEN. 
BUT SO LITTLE HAS SHOWN UP IN THE 
LIBRARIES. 

At a time when 1t 1s absolutely 
crucial for women to have access to In- 
formation by and about themselves, 1t 
Is dlsheartenlngly difficult to find 
such material 1n libraries all over 
the USA. 

From 1968 to 1979 the Women's His- 
tory Research Center, In Berkeley, Cali- 
fornia, collected and organized over a 
million documents relating to the role 
of women 1n our society. 

The WOMAN AND LAW microfilm from 
the Women's History Research Center 1s 
divided Into six sections, the largest 
of which 1s Women and Politics, con- 
sisting of eighteen reels (1-2000 Items 
per reel). Five hundred major areas 
of law are covered 1n the Law microfilm 
and each contains several subtopics. 

In addition to the material 1n the 
Black and Third World Women section, 
Women and Politics contains Information 
on the legal status of women 1n many 
countries Including China, India, Pal* 
estlne, and the Phlllplnes. The reels 
also supplement the Employment, Rape, 
and Education sections by supplying In- 
formation on specific Issues (equal 
opportunity, abortion), laws and cases. 

Information on women 1n politics, 
from Abigail Adams to Emma Goldman to 
Shirley Chlsholm form a large part of 
the politics section, as does Informa- 
tion concerning the whole spectrum of 
women's political activity— the French 
Revolution, The Suffragists Movement, 
the Bolshevik Revolution, and the Anti- 
war movement. 

Local groups, such as Boston's 
Bread and Roses, are well represented, 
as are such national organizations as 
N.O.W. and the National Women's Polit- 
ical Caucus, as well as women Involved 
In various elections, local and nation- 
al. 



REVIEWS 




The WOMEN AND LAW microfilm, con- 
taining, as it does, masses of unpub- 
lished or difficult to obtain material, 
1s a vital and seemingly Inexhaustible 
source of Information 1n the field of 
women and law, a field with few texts 
and one that has only just begun to 
develop. 

In 1974, the Women's History Re- 
search Center turned over their collec- 
tion of women and law materials to the 
Archive of Contemporary History to the 
University of Wyoming. Previously, 
the collection, made up of essays, 
clippings, leaflets, etc., acted as a 
clearinghouse for areas of women's law 
lacking case precedent and provided 
information on sex discrimination in 
such areas as education, housing, so- 
cial security, and unions, as well as 
the topics mentioned above. All are 
in the WOMEN AND LAW microfilm. 

Urge your library to order WOMEN 
AND LAW, 40 reels ($33 per reel) plus 
guides for each section from the 
Women's History Research Center, 
2325 Oak Street, Berkeley, California 
94708. 

Reprinted from: New Directions for 
Women, 223 Old Hook Rd., Westweed, N.J. 
07675 



26 



Playing the Political Game 



THE MAKING OF POLITICAL 
WOMEN; A Study af 
Socialization and Role Conflict 
by Rita Mae Kelly and Mary 
Boutilier (Nelson Hall) $16.95. 

WOMEN AND THE FUTURE: 
Changing Sex Roles in Modern 
America by Janet Zollinger 
Giele (The Free Press) $12.95. 

SEX DIFFERENCES IN 
HUMAN COMMUNICATION 

by Barbara Westbrook Eakins 
and R. Gene Eakins (Houghton 
Mifflin) $5.95. 

Paula Kassell 

Taken together, these three 
books tell it all — why women 
have been non-players in the 
game of politics, why many of 
us are no longer also-rans, and 
why the rest of us must alter 
ourselves if we want to get to 
first base. 

Sex Differences in Human, 
Communication d iscusses in 
great detail the female 
proclivity, for letting ourselves 
be interrupted, using qualifiers 
like "I wonder if," and adding 
tag lines like "don't you think 
so?" to our statements. It turns 
out that despite our reputation 
for gabbing, in mixed social 
gatherings and at meetings, 
men talk more often and speak 
longer at each turn. Research 
done in public places also 
showed that 96 percent of the 
interruptions were made by 
males. When someone else 
starts talking, women stop. The 
cure: keep talking. 

"Every little gesture has a 
meaning all its own" is not just 
a song. In two-person con- 
versations, the nonverbal 
elements communicate an 
estimated 65 percent of the 
social meaning of the situation, 
the words only 35 percent. 
Males gesture more, smile less, 
and expand into available space 
in relaxed postures while 
women are trying to sit, stand 
and walk like ladies. 

The authors conclude that it 
will ramiire a special, 
uftr— ftyfrisf'cated torm of 
■mrtNHuat. training for 
females Hka went to be per- 



ceived as authoritative and sure 
of themselves. 

A similar concern is at the 
core of the conclusion of Women 
and the Future. But here the 
probelm is seen as a need to 
develop "wholeness" — an 
androgynous melding of male 
and female .images without a 
narrow "male" emphasis on 
rationality, strength or 
assertiveness or a narrow 
"female" emphasis on intuition 
and expressivity. Here, too, 
there is stress on the im- 
portance of keeping such 
"male" values as assertiveness 
and initiative in the personality 
constellations of women. And 
there is warning against the 
limitations on women's 
behavior that comes from an 
insufficient development of 
"agency" — the ability to take 
responsibility for one's actions 
in unclearly defined situations. 

The Making of Political 
Women gets down to a thorough 
examination of three categories 
of women in politics in order to 
discover what they have in 
common and how they differ- in 
the ways they were socialized 
— elect women, political wives, 
and revolutionaries. 

For most women throughout 
history even the thought of 
competing in the political 
system never really occurred 
to them. But a minority of 
women in history led the 
feminist causes and sought 
political participation. Behind 
the research was the hypothesis 
that concentrating on the 
families of the subjects would 
uncover why some women 
broke with tradition and others, 
such as political wives, 
maintained it. The theoretical 
framework, which was borne 
out by the study, is that the 
making of a political woman is 
built on four stages of 
development that must be 
passed through in sequence and 
in the right order: 

First, the child must develop 
an activist sex-role ideology; 
second, she must gain personal 
control over her life-space, 
gaining needed competencies 
and abilities to maintain control 
as the life-space expands ; third, 



politics must become per- 
sonally salient to her; and 
fourth, at various points of the 
life cycle her efforts at par- 
ticipation must have been 
sufficiently rewarded and her 
experiences sufficiently suc- 
cessful to encourage her to 
continue. 

The private women did not 
reach even stage one. The 
political women tended as a 
group to have passed through 
all four stages. The family that 
made this possible was crucial. 
The elected women came from 
families founded on com- 
panionate love and mutual 
esteem, with a basic equality 
between the mother and the 
father. Their fathers did not 
seem to need the dominance of a , 
private realm to offset a feeling 
of impotence in the wider world. 
The mothers of the achieving 
political daughters were for the 
most part also unusual and 
sometimes famous public 
women, though not necessarily 
in politics. Their daughters 
accepted the idea that they 
could be both female and 
competent because their 
mothers refused to accept the 
social stigma of being "un- 
feminine" as a restraint on 
their activities. 

The authors suggest a 
corollary effect with wide 
implications. Historically and 
currently, many liberated 
women have tended not to 
marry, not to have children, or 
not to raise them. Since the 
mother is of such critical im- 
portance as a predictor of the 
daughter's behavior, a major 
reason for the rise and fall of 
various feminist movements 
might rest right there. How 
lasting will be the gains made 
for women, the authors ask, if 
the raising of children is left to 
traditional women, while 
liberated women do not 
multiply and reproduce 
themselves? 

Reprinted by 
permission from New 
Directions for Women , 
223 Old Hook Road , 
Westwood, New Jersey 
07675 



27 




SUSAN B. ANTHONY: A NEW DOLLAR COIN 

Susan B. Anthony was a great American 
who devoted her life to securing the 
right of women to vote. 

Her famous call to battle was "Failure 
1s Impossible!" 

This 1s the first time that a portrait 
of an American woman will appear on 
our coinage. 



28 





I Above, Harriet Tubman, "the Moses of her people," as a young woman 
and in old age. Sojourner Truth (below) was a speaker whom audi- 
ences never forgot when she argued against slavery. 




29 



THE NATIVE AMERICAN WOMAN 
HELD POLITICAL POWER 
The most common stereotype of the American 
Indian squaw was that of a downcast, mute, obed- 
ient, submissive figure, laden with a heavy burden 
on her back, trudging a respectful distance behind 
her man. This stereotype was completely false, at 
least for the women of the Iroquois, a confedera- 
tion of six tribes: The Oneida, Seneca, Mohawk, 
Onandaga, Cayuga and Tuscarora. The founders 
of the United States were amazed by their ad- 
vanced political system. The noble and intelligent 
Iroquois had elected representatives, woman's 
suffrage, referendum, government by executives, 
and a council under a constitution. The framers of 
our constitution were authorities in the study of 
the political systems of the Indians and the con- 
cept of federalism was in part derived from the 
Iroquois Six Nation Confederation. The women 
were well known to play a strong part in major 
policy making. They sat in council, negotiated 
treaties and trading agreements, as equals with 
the men. 

The most spectacular art works that have come 
down to us from the Iroquois nations are the 
wooden masks worn during healing ceremonies. 

(Covarrubias, Miguel. The Eagle, the Jaguar, and 
the Serpent: Indian Art of the Americas. Knopf, 
1954. Feder, Norma. American Indian Art. 
Abrams, 1973.) 





Seneca mask of the spirit whose nose was broken by a 
falling mountain, New York (MAIHF); 
two ancient pots, Iroquois, from Cayuga and 
Madison counties, New York (MAIHF). 



30 




31 



'Transitions: Designing for the 
Future As If Women Mattered" is 

the theme of the fourth session of 
the Women's School of Planning & 
Architecture, scheduled to be held 
at Regis College in Denver August 
9-23. Besides the full two-week 
course ($400 for room, board, and 
tuition), a four-day weekend 
program is offered ($100). About 85 
women in planning, architecture, 
and environmental design fields 
attended last year's session in Rhode 
Island. Topics on the informal 
agenda this time include the effects 
of land-use decisions on women's 
lives and the need for such special 
"women's environments" as birth 
centers and shelters for battered 
women. Representatives from 
HUD's Women's Policy and 
Program Division are again 
expected to take part. Write WSPA, 
Box 102, Palomar Arcade, Santa 
Cruz, CA 95060; or call Charlotte 
Strem at 408-423-8428. 



QUEEN HAS SEX CHANGE 

Saudi Arabia made Queen Elizabeth 
an "honorary male" for the duration of 
her state visit 1n February so that 
Arabian men would be able to treat 
her as an equal . 

HOWEVER: 

President Carter paid a state 
visit to Saudi Arabia last year. The 
Saudis did not change Mrs. Carter's 
sex. As a result, the First Lady was 
required to walk several paces behind 
her husband, enter the royal palace by 
a side door, and eat her meal with the 
ladles while Jimmy dined at a state 
dinner with the men. 



(Reprinted by permission of THE 

FREEWOMAN) 



A scene at the polls in Cheyenne, 
Wyoming, as women voted in 
1888. (Culver Pictures) 




FROM THE EDITOR'S CORNER 

An Interview with the Ambassador 
by 
Helen Hughes 

It was a chill January day when I took 
myself to the American Embassy 1n the 
Hague to meet the Ambassador. I felt 
pleased that she had granted me an In- 
terview, delighted that a woman had been 
appointed to this prestigious post, and 
Impressed at the prospect of meeting 
someone who was occupying the office 
first filled by John Adams 1n 1782. 

Jeri Joseph is a slender, chic, handsome 
woman with a radiant smile and a warm 
unintlmidatlng manner. I wanted to know 
what had brought her here, how she liked 
her job and, of course, her Ideas on the 
women's movement. 

Mrs. Joseph's home is Minneapolis. Her 
husband, Burton Joseph, flies over to 
stay with her for a few days each month. 
They have three children the youngest of 
whom 1s 21. Maintaining their separate 
careers at a distance of four thousand 
miles has been, she says, "not an enor- 
mous strain on my marriage, but a great 
strain on me". "I've been fascinated by 
what It's meant to my family, including 
my parents, brother and sister. You 
feel quite close to the processes of 
government." 

Jeri Joseph graduated from the Univer- 
sity of Minnesota and began a career 1n 
journalism. She wrote for the Minne- 
apolis Tribune for eight years as a 
staff writer. She did Interpretive re- 
porting, covered HEW, knew a lot of po- 
litical people and was familiar with 
legislative matters, during the period 
when Hubert Humphrey was Mayor of 
Minneapolis. She entered politics in 
the Democratic Farmer Labor Party and 
headed "Volunteers for Stevenson" in 
1956. When asked to stand for election 
as State Chairwoman, she thought, "Would 
be an Interesting experience — what do I 
have to lose?" She was elected in 1958, 
and in 1960 became a National Committee- 
woman, beginning "twelve fascinating 
years", Involved at the national level 
with Humphrey and working for four Pres- 

33 




The Honorable Jeri Joseph 
Ambassador to the Netherlands 



idents. Her political interests have 
clustered around social issues (health, 
education, women's roles). She organiz- 
ed a state commission on the problem of 
mental illness and mental hospitals. 
She was President of the National Asso- 
ciation of Mental Health. President 
Kennedy appointed her to a Committee on 
Youth Employment, President Johnson to 
his Commission on Income Maintenance Pro- 
gram, and President Carter to his Task 
Force on Mental Health. In 1968 she was 
Vice Chairman of the Democratic National 
Committee. She was greatly influenced 
by Hubert Humphrey during those years: 
"Humphrey's concern for people and their 
problems was not ostentatious— it was 
real", asserts Mrs. Joseph. 

Before her appointment to the Hague, she 
was on the Board of Directors of Carlton 
College, the Northwestern National Bank, 
Hormel Company and the Northwestern Bell 
Telephone Co. ("Was she a token woman 
on these boards?") "Well, someone has 
to be first. I was miffed that they had 
not asked other women as well. They 
promised to appoint another woman — and 
within six months they did, so there 
were two of us. Women on boards work 
very hard, they really do their home- 
work; they know they're in the spotlight 
and it's a tremendous responsibility." 



When only one lone woman is appointed 
for a long time, it's apparent that it's 
only tokenism. There are not many women 
with the qualifications similar to those 
of men, true, but she asks, "Why not have 
people with different qualifications?" 
She believes that as we get more and more 
women who move into positions at higher 
levels, tokenism will disappear, and wo- 
men will be appointed more and more on 
their merits, not just because they are 
women. 

Mrs. Joseph gives us an interesting per- 
spective on the role of the volunteer. 
She allows that NOW and other feminist 
groups have a negative view of volunteer- 
ism, but comments: "My experience in 
politics was strictly volunteer and it 
helped enormously, it was invaluable, 
along with my journalism experience." 
There were two strikes against her when 
she arrived at the American Embassy in 
the Netherlands: she was female and she 
was a political appointee, not a career 
diplomat. She found she had to work much 
harder than women who were career am- 
bassadors, such as our people in Brussels 
and Finland. The men she works with were 
very polite at the beginning; now she is 
sometimes teased about her interest in 
the women's movement. She plans to in- 
crease the number of women and minori- 
ties on her staff. 

Commenting on the traditional roles of 
women in Holland, Mrs. Joseph comments 
that the Dutch have been slow in bring- 
ing women into the labor market; they 
have the lowest percentage of women in 
the labor market of any of the EEC 
countries. On the other hand, she 
appreciates the sense of shared values. 
"The Dutch commitment to democratic 
institutions is quite similar to our 
own. They have been our good allies 
for many years", she says, adding with 
that luminous Jeri Joseph smile, "ever 
since John Adams came over here". 

I felt so good when I left the inter- 
view, I walked across Lange Voorhout 
and treated myself to lunch at Saur's. 

ERRATUM 

Spring 1979 Issue, page 19: 

We regret that through an oversight, 

the names of Bonnie Cunningham and Linda 

Simon were omitted from our report of 



the Judy Chicago Dinner Party here. 
Cunningham and Simon, as "Echo", per- 
formed original and folk music, vocal 
and guitars, to the delight of those 
assembled. 

ABOUT THIS ISSUE'S GUEST EDITOR 
Sara Mayhew Shumer 1s Associate 
Professor at Haverford College 
(since 1968) and has spent the 1978-79 
academic year as a visiting professor at 
the University of California at Santa Cruz. 
During the Fall of 1979 she will be at 
Deep Springs College in Deep Springs, 
California. 

Shumer received her B.A. from Barnard 
College and her Ph.D. from the University 
of California at Berkeley. She was 
active in the civil rights and student 
movements at Berkeley during the 1960's 
and in Mississippi during 1965-66. 

Her areas of interest are political theory, 
American political theory, contemporary 
American politics--and applying the first 
two to an understanding of the third. 

For an extended exposition of 
what that might mean, readers 
are referred to Shumer 's 
article, "Machiavelli : Repub- 
lican Politics and Its Corrup- 
tion" in Political Theory , Vol.7, 
No. 1, February 1979, 5-34. 

FUTURE ISSUES 

Our Fall 1979 issue will honor the 
child in this International Year of 
the Child. Please send material (art 
work by children, photographs, reviews, 
anecdotes) to Roberta Bear who is 
University Professor of Early Child- 
hood Education at Governors State 
University. 

A change of pace will be "Women in 
Sailing", guest editor Bridget Marsh, 
for the Winter 1980 issue. Ms Marsh, 
a professional skipper, asserts that 
women are excellent pilots and captains 
as well as crew members and cooks. 
Readers with material to submit to 
this issue may send it to Bridget at 
260a Fulham Road, London SW10 9EL, or 
at these editorial offices. 

As always we Invite your ideas, 
comments, encouragement and your 
subscription renewals. 

34 




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